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Magic Songs of the West Finns, Vol. I, by John Abercromby, [1898], at

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By a brief study of the archæology of Finland and the north centre of Russia, we may form an idea when man first came into these northern climes, and make more or less well-founded conjectures as to his manner of life and civilisation, as well as the quarter of the compass from which he proceeded. The north of Russia must have been habitable for a long time before man thought it worth while to try his fortunes in the wintry land, for traces of the mammoth have been found in almost every part of European Russia, from north to south and from east to west. Yet no handiwork of man is found associated with the tusks of Elephas primigenius in any part where it is likely that Finns have ever resided. It is true the late Count Uvárov believed he had discovered flint implements of palæolithic type with tusks of the mammoth at Karačárovo, near Múrom, but the antiquity of the flint implements has been disputed, and the presence of sherds of pottery clearly relegates the find to the neolithic period. The history of man in the north and centre of Russia begins with the neolithic age, when he had learnt to grind and polish his stone implements, though he often neglected to do so. As illustrations of archæological objects would be somewhat out of place in a work of this sort, I have

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referred, whenever possible, to the well-known and very useful atlas of Mr. J. R. Aspelin, Antiquités du nord finno-ougrien, under the shorter form of Asp. No.

Perhaps the earliest type of stone implement found in Finland is a crowbar-shaped tool, a foot or two long, the point alone of which is usually ground smooth. This simple tool, supposed to have been used for boring holes in ice, is found in greatest abundance just above and below the arctic circle on the banks of the Kemi, on the shores of Lake Kemi, and even further northwards. In smaller numbers it is met with across the centre of Finland, in Karelia and Olónets, but not in the south-west of Finland, nor in Sweden and Norway (Asp. No. 28, 29). Another hacking instrument, sometimes as much as 17 in. long by 2½ in. wide, with one side carefully ground flat, the back rounded like a keelless boat, and the two ends terminating in a point (Asp. No. 34) or a short straight edge, seems to have had its focus of manufacture in Olónets. Thence it spread in no great numbers westwards, though not so far as Satakunta or to the south-west corner of Finland, and northwards without reaching lat. 64° N. Examples have also been found near the mouth of the Volkhov in the great Ladogan find, and there is a broken specimen in the University Museum at Kazan from the district of Uržum (Viátka). In a variety of this instrument, found in Olónets, the upper flat surface is concave (Asp. No. 32, 33). A flat, wedge-shaped axe of oblong section, made of the native stone of the country, and of the same type as one widely distributed in the centre and south of Sweden, in the south of Norway, and the north of Germany, is also found in the Grand Duchy (Asp. No. 17, 19). It occurs in greatest profusion in the south-west

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corner of the country; it does not extend so far north as lat. 64° N., or further east than the western shore of Lake Ladoga, occurring there in only trifling quantities. A longer axe, generally of quadrangular but also of oval section, is also thinly distributed over much the same area, though reaching eastwards into Olónets (Asp. No. 31). Some of the chisels are of almost triangular section, and are mainly confined to Karelia and Olónets; they are not found in Scandinavia or on the Baltic coast. Chisels no doubt were mainly used for cutting wood, though they could serve for other purposes, for stone chisels were still used not many years ago by the Lapps, in the parish of Kuusamo (Kemi), for removing the hair from the moistened hides of reindeer. 1 Of gouges there are two types. The first has a flat face, in which the groove is made at one end, and the short sides and back are rounded. With the exception of the extreme south-west corner, such gouges are common over the whole of Finland up to the Arctic Circle, but most of all in Karelia and Häme or Tavastland. They are also common enough in the governments of Kazán and Viátka; and one from Anánino, near Elábuga, in the University Museum at Kazán, may serve in dating some of these instruments. The other type has a flat back, does not taper, and the short sides are also flat and parallel. It is chiefly confined to Central Finland, and hardly touches Karelia (Asp. No. 47, 48).

The most interesting archæological objects, however, are the perforated, boat-shaped hammer-axes of the same general forms, though with slight differences, as those known in Sweden (Asp. No. 64, 65). More than a hundred are recorded, and their distribution is worthy of

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notice. They occur only in the south-west angle of the Grand Duchy, and are not found east of a line drawn from about the mouth of the Kymmene, on the south coast, to Ny Karleby, on the west coast. 1 A couple of flint daggers with neat serrated ridges along the haft, of well-known Scandinavian type (Asp. No. 57), have likewise been found in the south-west of Finland. As there is no flint in the country, they must have been imported from Sweden. Like the boat-shaped hammer-axes, they belong to the fourth or latest period of the neolithic age, according to the classification of Mr. O. Montelius.

Very different from the perforated hammer-axe of Southwest Finland is a rude perforated instrument, pointed at both ends, the body of which may be lozenge-shaped, or more or less elongated, but is always provided with a pivot-like protuberance, on each side of the hole, at right angles to the long diameter (Asp. No. 66–70). It has its chief development in Olónets, but it has also been found in Bothnia and in Satakunta, where both the lozenge and the narrow type occur. A lozenge-shaped axe or double pick, but without the lateral pivots, was found near the village of Volósovo near Múrom. 2 Not unconnected with these are the perforated picks of various forms, including that of the lozenge, but all terminating in the head of an animal. Five are known from Olónets, one from Karelia, and two from the government of Archangel, of which one came from as far north as the district of Mezen (Asp. 71, 73–76) 3 Though these instruments certainly belong to a stone age, it is very probable, as Mr. J. R. Aspelin supposes, that they are imitated from bronze weapons of the later

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bronze period, such as are found on the Lower Kama. Stone lance- and arrow-heads have also been found in small numbers, chiefly in Bothnia and Häme.

The art of pottery was also practised in the later stone age. At Hankasalmi, east of Jyväskylä, in the heart of Finland, were discovered by Dr. Heikel in 1894 several large fragments of an urn which he found possible to reunite, and so to restore in part the original vessel. In diameter it was about 15 inches, and the bottom was evidently round. It was ornamented with several alternate bands of holes in three rows and diagonally arranged punch-marks, made with a square-toothed, comb-like instrument, and the inner edge of the rim, which was bevelled, was adorned with similar punch-marks. In the neighbourhood of Lake Uleå ornamented clay vessels, partly finished, partly incomplete, were found with stone chisels, and at least two clay moulds for celts of East Russian and Siberian type. The ornament on the sherds consisted of rows of impressed points and diagonal punctured grooves, a very characteristic ornament often observed in the neolithic pottery from the mouth of the Volkhov, from Olónets, the Valdai, and the Oká. Sherds have also been discovered elsewhere, in the parish of Virdois north of Tammerfors, near Lake Kynsivesi in Häme, and in some profusion on the Vuoksi river. 1

From the above résumé several important deductions can be drawn with more or less probability. It is evident that during the stone period, which lasted to all intents and purposes to the beginning of the Christian era, Finland was inhabited by two, if not three, distinct peoples. Which of these first appeared upon the scene it is impossible to conjecture. Finnish archæologists are unanimous in believing

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that the south-west part of the country, where the flat wedge-shaped axes and the boat-shaped hammer-axes are found, was inhabited by a Scandinavian people that arrived there from Sweden. According to Mr. O. Montelius, the beginning of the Bronze Age in Sweden may be dated about 1700 B.C., and these hammer-axes belong to the period immediately previous. But as doubtless they were in use for a long time after the introduction of bronze, the first appearance of the Swedish colonists might be placed about 1500 B.C. Yet as the wedge-shaped axes are of a still older type, the hardy adventurers may have found their way to the coast of Finland at a still earlier date. The second people are generally supposed to have been the ancestors of the Lapps. But as the Ladogan people at the mouth of the Volkhov were certainly not Lapps, and the hacking instrument with a back like a keelless boat was known to them, and has not been found very far to the north, it seems likely that some of their tribes made at least hunting expeditions and fishing excursions to the fishy lakes and rivers of Finland.


As no crania of neolithic man are known in Finland, it is fortunate that several have been brought to light in a region so near at hand as the south shore of Lake Ladoga. In 1878, while digging the new Siás canal from the mouth of the Volkhov eastwards to the river Siás, 10 crania, 8 portions of skeletons, numerous bones of animals, and many specimens of human industry, were uncovered. The majority of these lay on the level of the bottom of the

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canal, in a thin bed of alluvial peat overlying a thin layer of red clay, itself overlaid by about ten feet of stratified sand and peat, which was again covered by seven feet of blown sand. The depth at which these human remains were found is therefore very considerable.

The crania have been described and figured by the late Professor Bogdanov, some of whose measurements are reproduced on Table VII. 1 Prehistoric Ladogan man was distinguished by the thickness of the walls of the skull in male crania; by small development of the forehead and by small-headedness. The femoral bones were also of small dimensions, but the attachments of the muscles show that his muscular system generally, especially in the upper part of the body, was well developed. Though Bogdanov found indubitable traces of relationship between the Ladogan crania and those of the Kurgan type of Central Russia, yet in his opinion the former belonged to a type that was neither Slav, nor Finnish, nor Mongol. 2

Comparing the Ladogan dolichocephals with those on Tables II. and III., we find their indices agree best with the Čeremisian dolichocephals, though the latter have a longer and broader head, the height being nearly the same. In actual size these small Ladogan skulls come very near those of three Permian women, though the indices work out differently. Taking next the sub-dolichocephalous Ladogans, we again find an agreement, but still more close, with the indices of the sub-dolichocephalous Čeremis and with a single Permian man, though in all respects the Ladogans have a much smaller head—about the same size, in fact, as that of sub-dolichocephalous Permian women. Though we have only 10 Ladogan and Čeremisian

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crania to compare, yet taking into consideration the difference of size between the two sets, and that they are separated in time by fully three thousand years, it is remarkable that four pairs should be found that are not so very dissimilar.

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As I am not an anthropologist myself, it must be left to experts to decide whether a sufficient case has been made out for connecting these two series of crania—though, of course, it is not contended that the Ladogans were Čeremis, but merely that the latter are partly descended from the same stock as the former, though, with lapse of time and crossing, it may be, with other stocks, they have gradually acquired a longer and broader skull.

When prehistoric man lived on the south shore of Lake Ladoga, the dense forests and the broad swamps that hemmed it in to the south were better stocked with game than is now the case. Bos latifrons, bison, elk, reindeer, wild boar, beaver, and the tiny sable, tenanted the region. The two former are nearly extinct species, the others have disappeared into remoter districts; the northern limit of the wild boar, which grew to a large size, is now five degrees further south. Of dogs there were two breeds, a larger and a smaller; the former might have been used for draught,

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the latter for purposes of the chase—though it should be mentioned that Count Uvárov doubted whether the dog was domesticated and was not used only as an article of food. Though seals are still found in the lake, they are small compared with the prehistoric phocæ. To find the puffin, which formerly frequented the solitudes of Ladoga, we must go to the extreme north of Norway. The climate, on the whole, must have been rather milder than now, for the predominant hard wood was the oak, which grew to a large size; at present it does not thrive so far north, but remains scrubby and stunted. As beavers live on hard wood, and elks prefer the foliage of such trees, the forests must have been largely composed of deciduous trees such as the oak, maple, willow, poplar, and alder.

The objects of human industry made of bone are more than twice as numerous as those of stone, though this was usually a kind of slate, and not difficult to work. There is no flint in the vicinity. Of bone and horn the Ladogans made lance- and arrow-heads, daggers, knives, scrapers, shovels, hooks (1), harpoons, needles, awls, and ornaments. Of stone they made scrapers, carefully ground axes, short flat-sided chisels with parallel sides of various types, that show symmetry and signs of care in their manufacture, gouges, wedges, mallets, whetstones, awls, knives, and ornaments. Some of the bones show clear traces of sawing, which was probably effected by a stone wedge with the assistance of coarse quartz sand and water. That these tools were well fitted for their purpose is shown by a dug-out canoe of oak, which must have given some trouble to hew, and by heads and outlines of animals carved in bone.

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From the illustrations given by Inostrantsev, it is not very easy to say how far the Ladogan objects agree with those found in Finland, though the chisels, with straight short sides, and some of the gouges, seem tolerably similar in both regions, as well as the hacking instrument mentioned above. Some of the carved work is specially deserving of notice, as it may be supposed to possess a distinct ethnological value. One piece, Fig. 1, represents what is supposed to be the silhouette of a seal, carved in bone, with short strokes upon the surface to represent the fur. The eye is formed by a hole of suspension, and the plaque may have been worn as an amulet to bring luck to the bearer. The next, Fig. 2, is the muzzle of a dog or a bear carved at the end of a bone-scraper; the illustration, unfortunately, is not very distinct, but is interesting as the precursor of the stone picks with animal heads. Fig. 3 was compared by Inostrantsev to the handle of a dagger, but it was afterwards recognised by Dr. Tischler as 'the figure of a man, without a shadow of a doubt.' He considered these Ladogan carvings as belonging to the same category as the sculptured figures in bone and amber from East Prussia and Galicia, and regarded them as the beginning of plastic art in the north and east of Europe. 1 If this view is correct, it militates against the theory that the Ladogans were not a European people in the ordinary usage of the word; but I see very little likeness between the amber carving of East Prussia and the bone carving of Ladoga. The main likeness lies in this, that the human figures in both regions have a hole of suspension under each armpit, though the Prussian examples have sometimes another pair of holes on the level of the wrist, but never

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is the head rendered as it is in the Ladogan figure. The carving of the human figures and of two horses’ heads in amber is coarse, rude work, clumsy in the last degree, without a shadow of skill or taste in design or execution. The art and technique of the Cracow figure is on a par with that of East Prussia. The firm, clear outlines of the Ladogan carving, the careful handling of the fur on the seal, and the general symmetry of Fig. 3, point to qualities that the amber-cutters never possessed. That Fig. 3 is intended for a human figure seems to me doubtful, for if the double row of vertical dots is taken to represent the separation of the arms and legs, how are the diagonals that connect these, and the vertical line through the centre of the neck, to be explained?

The pottery was coarse, thick, uneven in thickness, and the clay was often mixed with pounded granite or mussel-shells. The size of the vessels was considerable, for the largest must have had a diameter of 22½ inches at the top and the smallest 13 inches, but the idea of attaching a handle to a clay pot had not yet occurred. Only about ten per cent. of the sherds were ornamented, which probably means that the lower part of the vessel was left undecorated. The ornamentation consisted of single and double rows of holes, arranged horizontally; of diagonal rows of punch-marks; of parallel grooves; and of combinations of these elements. We have already seen that the Ladogan pottery has a great resemblance to that of Finland.

No date can be assigned to the Ladogan station, though it is certainly very ancient, and is prior to the introduction of perforated axes and hammers.

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More than one hundred miles to the south, at Kolomtsị, on the right bank of the Volkhov where it issues from Lake Ilmen, Mr. Peredolsky found abundant traces of prehistoric man. Though he considers the station to belong to the palæolithic age, there is no doubt it is neolithic. Several crushed and broken skulls were found, eight of which he was able to restore, with the result that seven proved to be dolichocephalous and one brachycephalous. Unfortunately no details are given. The bed of dark earth in which the crania lay was about 5 feet thick, and rested partly on a glacial deposit, partly on blue clay. This bed was itself covered by a stratum of brick-clay about 6½ feet thick, and above it came layers of sand and vegetable earth from 3 to 4 inches thick. In his opinion the remains of man and his industry present an evident resemblance to what was found at the Ladogan station. They were evidently of the same primitive tribe, and their crania show features of likeness with those from the Kurgans of Novgorod, and generally of Western and Southern Russia. But here again details are wanting. Like the Ladogans, they had a taste for carving. One piece of bone was carved into the head of a bird; another represented the head of a man with a pointed chin, a very long nose, and a head-dress in shape like a fez. The clay of the pottery was mixed with gravel, bits of quartz, and broken shells, and was often ornamented. One design is the same as on a Ladogan sherd; another is found on sherds from Lake Onega. The bottom of the pots was either round or flat. The implements consisted of knives, scrapers, flat wedge-shaped axes, hammers, straight and concave saws, arrow-heads of various types

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with and without a tang, and awls of flint; axes, chisels, arrow-heads, and whetstones of schist; lance- and arrowheads, awls, harpoons, hooks, gouges, and small axes of bone. Small pieces of cornelian, jade, agate, etc., with traces of having been used by man, must have been brought from a distance. Perforated teeth of the bear, lynx, and other carnivoræ were worn as ornaments or amulets. 1


More than two hundred miles east of the Volkhov, on the south-east shore of Lake Onega, on Lakes Tud, Kumbas, Lač, and other places in the south-eastern part of the government of Olónets, numerous articles of human industry, some perhaps earlier, some certainly later than the Ladogan station, have been brought to light. They were found in recent deposits of peat formed on the site of dried-up lakes, or in sand and clay on the shores of existing lakes and river valleys. No human remains were ever found with or near them. As flint is found on the east side of Lake Onega the arrow-heads were made of that mineral.

These weapons are very abundant, and of various types, very generally lancet- or almond-shaped; they show various degrees of skill from very coarse to very fine workmanship. The knives and scrapers are also of flint. Other instruments, such as axes, hammers, chisels, and gouges were made usually of hard clay slate, or of diorite, greenstone, or quartzite. The axes were often flat with the two faces ground and the short sides also ground flat, others were of nearly triangular section, like those in Finland and at Kartašikha on the Volga, in the government of Kazan.

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[paragraph continues] Some of the gouges are characteristic of Olónets and Finland, and one very narrow type is met with at Kartašikha. At the Ladogan station no instruments perforated to receive a handle were discovered, but on the Kinema river, and a few other places in Olónets, a few polished and perforated axe hammers and round hammers were found belonging to a later time. Poliakov states that two instruments—the material is not mentioned—have been found in Olónets, one ornamented with the head of an elk, the other with the head of a bear in relief. He gives references, to which I am unable to refer, but I suspect these instruments are of the same class and material as the picks ornamented with animal heads, already mentioned at p. 56 as having been found in Olónets.

The clay of which the pottery was made was largely mixed with sand, and at Lake Tud they strengthened the mass by the addition of some strong fibrous mineral which toughened it, so that the pattern is scarcely visible on such vessels. As none were ever found entire, their original shape cannot be determined. The exterior of the pots was decorated with diagonal, parallel rows of squarish impressions made with a comb-like instrument. Sometimes these bands were separated by a belt of small pit-holes from two to five deep. At other times the impressed lines or furrows took the form of a zigzag round the rim of the vessel. In character this style of ornament greatly resembles what is found in Finland and at the Ladogan station. Only one bone instrument seems to have been found, a lance-head 6 inches long, that was picked up at the mouth of the river Kinema. An indication of the age of some of these finds is given by the fact that at the mouth of the Tikhmangia, which falls into Lake Lač, not far from sherds

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of pottery, broken bones of beavers, elks, reindeer, birds, and fish, were also found the bones of a seal, of a breed as large as a Greenland seal. Hence when neolithic man lived on the banks of the river there must have been large seals in that lake, which, though united by the river Onega with the White Sea, is more than 180 miles distant from it as the crow flies, and the lake must have been larger and deeper than is now the case. 1


Several stations of the neolithic age are known in the valley of the Oká, on both sides the river, above and below the historic town of Múrom. The most important and richest of all is that of Volósovo on the right bank of the river, some five or six miles to the east of Múrom, which lies on the left bank. The station lies on a ridge of white blown sand of sufficient altitude to protect the inhabitants from the spring floods which cover the level ground between the ridge and the Oká to a considerable height. A few years ago the ridge was covered with fir-trees, and in front of it runs a brook, so that at ail times the inhabitants could get water, fish, and mussels without much trouble. On removing the white sand is found a stratum of black sand up to 3½ feet thick, in which an immense number of stone implements have been discovered. On the ridge, but at a little distance to the south of the great area where these objects of neolithic man lay, the late Count Uvárov found five graves and several sepulchral urns.

The bodies lay east-south-east, and west-north-west, and the head was turned so that the left cheek was supported

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To face page 68.

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by the palm of the right hand. The depth of the graves was from 1.20 to 1.30 m., and the skeletons lay in a bed of wood ashes. On this layer, at the place where the head lay, was placed a clay urn filled to the brim with the burnt bones of animals and surrounded also with burnt bones of like nature. In the centre of the bones in the urn was laid a flint arrow-head of beautiful workmanship. The graves were filled up to the level of the ground, and there was nothing on the surface to betray their presence below. No trace of human handiwork was to be found in the immediate vicinity of the graves, but nevertheless they are probably neolithic.

Three crania, two of them very imperfect, were measured by Bogdánov, who compared them with three from the government of Smolensk, and found points of likeness between them. But below I have compared the complete skull with a male Permian skull, in which the points of likeness are much greater;—

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 1  2

So far as I can offer an opinion, the Volósovan population contained a sub-brachycephalous element that has analogies in the existing Permian Finns; of the other

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element nothing definite can be said, though it seems to have had a tendency towards dolichocephaly.

Sherds of pottery are extremely numerous, and can still be picked up in quantities. As all fragments show a curved surface, they were certainly more or less globular, and some of considerable size, the diameter of the largest being about 18 inches in diameter and the smallest 1¼ inches. But none were found intact save the sepulchral urns, which are very small, almost without ornament, and flat-bottomed. In size and shape, though ruder in manufacture, one of these urns resembles somewhat two sepulchral urns from a much later neolithic station near Kazán, where again the great difference between sepulchral and household pottery is also observable. 1 Before being used the clay was mixed with gravel, broken shells, and feathers. The walls of the vessels were thick, but unequal in thickness; the top was always wide, and the lip seems sometimes to have turned a little inwards or was slightly everted. No ears or handles were attached, for these means of lifting or suspending were replaced by holes through which a cord was run, but this only in the case of the larger vessels. When finished, the bowl was burnt, but only incompletely. The decoration presents considerable variety of design, combined with a certain regularity and symmetry; in many ways it recalls that of Olónets. There is no trace of the cord ornament as at the Ladogan station and the neolithic stations on the Central Volga; nor of simple or concentric circles and semicircles like the neolithic pottery of the amber coast in East Prussia, where the amber figures referred to by Dr. Tischler were discovered. The axes were wedge-shaped, made of diorite,

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and were usually very carefully polished, the chipped and unground specimens, of which there were many, being merely unfinished. The largest was 9½ inches long, and in section ellipsoidal. Hammer-axes perforated to receive a handle were very rare, and the hole was unskilfully bored. Besides boring they also knew how to saw stones, for some of the flat, schiefer pendants were evidently produced by such means. The flint arrow-heads were very numerous, and sometimes of beautiful finish; the chief forms being oval, lancet-shaped, rhomboidal, and tanged: a few were triangular, or with a notch at the base. Out of about thirty flint saws one was semicircular.

Of particular interest are silhouettes of men, birds, and animals chipped out of a piece of flint. I reproduce four from the drawings of Mr. Kudriavtsev; Figs. 4 and 5 are human figures; another, almost the same as Fig. 4, and also from Volósovo, is figured by Count Uvárov; 1 Fig. 6 represents a goose, and Fig. 7 might be a boar or a badger; Fig. 8 is a modern Vogul idol of wood in the Museum at Ekatrinburg, which may be compared with Fig. 4. The practice of chipping flattish pieces of flint into something approaching an animal shape is not confined by any means to the valley of the Oká. Far to the north, near the mouth of the Zolotitsa, which falls into the White Sea some hundred miles north of Archangel, there was a neolithic workshop for the manufacture of flint implements, and among the small saws, knives, and arrow-heads there was found the silhouette of a seal in flint, now in the Historical Museum at Moscow. And two flint outlines are figured by the Count Uvárov, the actual finding-place of which is unknown, though they were bought in the government of

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[paragraph continues] Kazán. 1 One has a large thick neck and head, a short thick body, four short legs, and a broad tail. It might be taken for the skin of an animal, such as a beaver, dried and stretched. What the other represents I cannot even hazard a guess, though it is doubtless an animal form. The Volósovans also carved in bone. Mr. Kudriavtsev has in his collection the head of a swan in full relief, carved at the end of a long bone, the rest of which was left untouched. Another piece represents the head of a duck; a third a very small fish with a small hole of suspension through the tail. As it is difficult to believe that neolithic man in a low state of civilisation, when it is not certain that even the dog was domesticated, should take the trouble to hew out of flint and bone representations of men and animals merely to satisfy his artistic and creative instincts and faculties, some other reason must be sought for. It is more consonant with the extreme laziness of uncivilised man to suppose that he had a practical object in view, that the human and animal figures served as household gods or as personal amulets to secure luck when fishing or hunting.

Bone implements, such as awls of bird- or fish-bone, harpoons barbed on one side only, axes, knives, fish-hooks—though some of these were of flint made in two parts and tied together—and perforated teeth, were very numerous, though bone arrow-heads were rare. Besides fish-hooks they must also have had nets, as the impression of one has been found on a sherd of pottery. The commonest animal bones found were those of the martin, fox, hare, wild boar, and beaver; less common were the remains of the badger, wolf, bear, elk, wild ox, otter, reindeer, and dog. In fact,

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canine bones were only found once, and then as an entire skeleton that resembled the smaller Ladogan dog. This makes it doubtful whether the dog was domesticated at all. 1

A good many miles down the Oká from Múrom is the station of Plekhánov Bor. The people lived largely on mussels; in fact, no animal bones were found there at all. But the identity of the ceramic ornament with that at Volósovo shows that people of the same tribe lived at both places synchronously. 2


On the left bank of the Volga from Kazán to a little south of the inflow of the Kama several neolithic stations are known, eight of them not very far from Kazán itself. Neolithic instruments, pottery, and animal bones are also found in considerable abundance above Kazán, but on the right bank near the mouth of the Sviága. Most of the implements are of flint, which is very plentiful, but a few are of eocene sandstone, which is not found in the government of Kazán, but might be obtained by descending the Volga to the Singilei river in the adjoining government of Simbirsk. Either the stone or the ready-made instruments must, therefore, have been imported, and these it should be noted are of excellent work and beautifully ground. In places the sherds are extremely numerous; near Novo Mordovo, in the district of Spassk, they are spread over an area of about eighty-one acres, where they can be collected by the bushel. The clay was generally mixed with comminuted fresh-water shells, small stones, feathers, and at

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[paragraph continues] Novo Mordovo with mica; in place of mica, talc is found in the neolithic pottery from Galkina near the mouth of the Čusovaya and from Turbina on the right bank of the Káma nearly opposite, as well as in numerous sherds from the district of Ekaterinburg beyond the Ural chain. 1 After completion the vessels were either left unbaked or the burning was incomplete. The decoration is endlessly varied, very complicated at times, and consists of different combinations of linear ornament. It is generally placed below the rim, and never covers the whole height of the vessel; the inner surface is seldom decorated. A curious but very rare method of adornment was to impress the clay with a small spiral shell, probably that of a snail, and thus form horizontal bands of spiral depressions, separated by horizontal lines of small dots. This novel mode of decoration is also found on neolithic sherds from Lešvina, a mile and a half above the junction of the Čusovaya with the Káma. 2 The cord ornament was also used as at Lešvina and beyond the Urals. No handles were used, but sometimes a vessel could be suspended by means of two large round holes placed opposite each other. The bottom was always flat, and, with one exception, never rounded. The commonest implements were scrapers, knives, axes, chisels, mallets, spear- and arrow-heads; the scarcest were picks, awls, saws, and hammers. The arrowheads were of various types—leaf-shaped, lancet-shaped, rhomboidal, tanged, and triangular, the latter being very rare. Some of the arrow-heads are so tiny—from 8 mm. (½ inch) to 10 mm. long—that Professor Vịsotski supposes they would have been useless unless poisoned. 3

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Practically nothing is known of the people who left these traces of their presence behind them. For although at two places interments have been brought to light that are supposed to belong to the neolithic period, the human remains were so shattered that almost nothing can be learnt from them. Near the village of Novo Mordovo was found the skeleton of a woman who had been laid with her head to the north and her feet to the south; near her right wrist lay the upper shell of a tortoise, on the inside of which were traces of red colour. The skull was round-headed, and showed marks of a primitive type. At the station of Great Bugór, near Kazán, traces of three interments were found, but so destroyed that only fragments of two skeletons and the funeral urns could be recovered. The bodies had been buried at a depth of about three feet, and had been placed on their backs with the head to the west and feet to the east, and in each grave was a small urn. There was nothing above ground to indicate the presence of graves. At this station, as well as flint implements, there were found bones of the domestic horse, cow, sheep, and swine, also of the elk; at two other stations bones of the horse, cow, and swine; at Tabaevo, near the junction of the Kama, those of the horse, bull, and swine. 1 The fact that neolithic man had now become acquainted with the most important domestic animals shows that these stations belong to a latish period. It is unfortunate, however, that we have no particulars about these animal bones, as something might be learnt from them. At present we have no clue as to whence the animals originally came, whether from the south or from the east. It would be instructive to know whether the Volgan horse of those days

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was at all like the horse the remains of which have been found in many places in the east part of the government of Perm, beyond the Urals, sometimes as deep as ten feet and more below the surface, and which are now preserved in the Museum at Ekaterinburg. But as no vestiges of the domestic sheep or pig have been found in that region, it seems likely that the domestic animals came from the south or south-east.


As flint of good quality is nowhere found in masses, the inhabitants made use of an inferior kind of whitish, clayey flint or chert, but never turned to use the erratic blocks which occur in the northern half of the province. In fact, the extreme north of it does not seem to have been inhabited at all, for no stone implements of any sort or kind have as yet been found along the course of the Viátka above Slobodsk, or on its upper tributaries, the Velíkaya, the Letka, and the Kobra. Very few too are known from the valley of the Čeptsa, and these are chiefly wedges and nuclei. On the other hand, on the upper course of the Kama, where it flows through the province, finds of flint implements are so numerous as to induce Mr. Ivanov to believe the district was thickly inhabited during the neolithic period. The west of the province too was not without its inhabitants. A few arrow-heads of triangular and quadrangular section, and considerable quantities of knives, scrapers, and nuclei, have been unearthed at the mouth of the Moloma and higher up its course near the village of Okátievo, as well as at several places on the upper and central course of the Yum, and the central

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course of the Pižma, into which the Yum falls. On the central course of the Viátka a few finds have also been made, which increase at its junction with the Kilmez and further southwards. At none of the above-mentioned places and districts have any polished stone implements been brought to light. They are not however unknown in the province; in the southerly districts of Uržum and Yaransk a considerable number of polished flint and stone axes, wedges, chisels, and gouges have been discovered. At Orišut near Ernur, close to the boundary between the governments of Viátka and Kazán, was a workshop, the most typical instrument of which was a stone chisel with one side flat or slightly convex, while the opposite side had three faces like certain bronze celts, which are in Mr. Spitsịn's opinion the prototypes of these stone chisels. Along the right bank of the Central Kama, where it forms the southern boundary of the province, isolated finds of polished stone implements have also been made. But the only station is at the mouth of the Toima, not far from Elábuga, over which in later times accumulated the great cemetery of Anánino, so that Mr. Spitsịn believes that many of the stone implements said to have come from the graves at Anánino really belong to the underlying neolithic station. Here have been found flint arrowheads, a fragment of a stone chisel of the Orišut type, bones, and sherds of pottery. The pottery is of two sorts: one is of thick yellow clay, the other of black clay, often mixed with bits of shells, for vessels of smaller dimensions. 1 These sherds seem to be the only examples of neolithic pottery in the whole province, and from this it may almost be concluded that there were no real permanent settlements

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in it during the earlier neolithic age, though it was traversed by hunters, who made flint implements of the simplest kind as occasion required.


Up to the present the finds of the neolithic stage in the Upper Kama have been very few, leading us to suppose that the population was very scanty. In fact, settlements that can be exclusively attributed to this age have not been discovered. The flint and other stone implements are of local stone, and the workmanship is often very good. Beginning from the north, on the banks of the little river Velva, a left-hand tributary of the Kama in the district of Solikamsk, there have been found at various places scrapers, flakes, some of which are slightly toothed and could be used as a knife or a saw, nuclei, a well-made, tanged arrow-head, two spear-heads, a well-polished flat axe tapering towards the butt-end, a well-polished net-sinker, a gouge with a flat face in which the groove was made and with a rounded back. From the description it seems to resemble a type common in the Volga district of the last section, and is also found at Anánino near Elábuga, on the Kama; lastly a chisel of quadrangular section, the upper end of which is worked round like a handle 2 cm. long and 2 cm. wide. Further south near Šárdin on the Inva, a westerly tributary of the Kama, were found a leaf-shaped arrow- or spear-head, 9 cm. long, with a notch at the base, and another of similar shape, but smaller, and with a flat truncated base. Its long edges were distinctly toothed. In the valley of the Obva a bone harpoon, stuck into a log of wood, which probably belongs

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to this period, was washed up from the bed of the river by the spring floods. It had four barbs on one side and a fifth reversed on the opposite side to facilitate attachment to a handle. In the same valley was also found a heavy stone hammer, weighing eight lbs., near one end of which was a shallow transverse groove running round the body of the hammer, the better to fasten it to a forked handle. From Ust Gareva, further south, comes a perforated axe-hammer of serpentine. At Lešvina, on the right bank of the Čusovaya, near its junction with the Kama, were found three arrow-heads, one of them leaf-shaped and greatly resembling another from the station of Kartašikha (Kazán) on the Volga; flint flakes with a serrated edge to serve as a saw; a broken, polished, flat axe, and a flat roundish hand-mallet with a hollow on each flat side to allow the stone to be held easier. It is very like a similar tool from Great Bugór near Kazán.

About thirty sherds of earthenware were ornamented with different patterns. From their small degree of curvature some must have belonged to large vessels; others of thinner clay were more curved, and probably belonged to vessels more or less spherical. But it is impossible to say what the shape of the bottom might have been. The patterns ran in zones parallel to the rim, and were produced with a stamp toothed like a comb. The cord-pattern was also in use, and less often the ornament consisted of a row of holes; on two sherds it consisted of diagonal impressions of a small spiral object, evidently the shell of a snail. Not far off is the prehistoric fort (gorodíšče) of Galkina, in which a nucleus, splinters, and a net-sinker were found. At no great distance outside were flint flakes and a couple of arrow-heads,

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one of bone, and not differing from those found in the so-called Čudish 'ossiferous areas' that are generally to be dated from the eighth to the eleventh centuries. The sherds of pottery differ in material and pattern from those at Lešvina, and were partly baked. The last settlement is at Turbina, on the right bank of the Kama, nearly opposite the inflow of the Čusovaya. It belongs, at any rate in part, to a late period. Here were found a scraper, a narrow chisel, merely formed by chipping and fragments of glass beads with an inside layer of gold-leaf, like those found in large quantities in the ossiferous areas on the Obva, at Gliadénova near Perm, and the north side of the Caucasus. The sherds of pottery resemble those from Galkina both in material and pattern. Generally the clay was unmixed with foreign substances, but one sherd contained largish pieces of talc, which had probably been brought from the other side of the Ural chain. 1


In the north of Esthonia, about two miles inland from the Gulf of Kunda, and about 180 miles west of the mouth of the Volkhov, remains of human industry were found in excavating the marl beds that once formed the bottom of what was formerly a lake. The harpoons, barbed on one side only, the spear- and arrow-heads, the daggers, knives, scrapers, and chisels, are all of bone, generally that of the elk. With the exception of one well-chipped flint arrowhead and a knife, no bone implements were discovered. But small, narrow flakes of flint were inserted into grooves cut into the sides of bone arrows, and were firmly cemented

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with a preparation of pitch. Similar weapons are known from Lake Šigir in the district of Ekaterinburg (Perm), in East Prussia, Denmark, and the south of Sweden. The almost total absence of flint is easily accounted for. It is not found in beds anywhere in the Baltic provinces, save on the east shore of Lake Burtneek, and even there in no great quantity. No pottery or personal ornaments were unearthed, but this may be explained by the fact that all the objects lay from 100 to 200 yards from the shore, and were lost either in the water or on the ice. Reindeer still roamed in the neighbourhood as well as the bison and the elk, but no trace was found of the dog. Grewingk calculated for these finds an age of only 1650 years, which would place them in the third century of the present era. 1 But little confidence can be placed in calculations founded on the rate at which deposits accumulate under water, and he himself believed that the date must be increased.

About 140 miles in a bee-line to the south-south-west of Kunda, on the left bank of the Salis, where it issues from Lake Burtneek, is Rinnekaln. In connection with the crania exhumed there this station has already been mentioned. Comparatively few fishing implements and weapons were found. The spear-heads and daggers of bone were of coarser make than at Kunda; the harpoons were smaller, with only one or two barbs on one or both sides. Stone implements and arrow-heads were in inconsiderable quantities, the more remarkable as a flint workshop is known to exist near Sveineck on the opposite side of the lake. The coarse, gritty pottery, the clay of which was mixed with broken mussel-shells, was either not baked,

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or but slightly. In form the vessels were probably more or less cylindrical, and seem sometimes to have been furnished with a lid; but apparently they had no handles, neck, or feet, and were of considerable dimensions. The ornament had some variety of design. It consisted of double and triple horizontal rows of holes alternating with diagonal lines of prick-marks; of short incisions at intervals, made sometimes with the finger-nail, and distributed either over the whole surface or in zones round the vessel. Decoration was also applied to the inner side of the rim, as at Hankasalmi. Grewingk remarks that the design is much more varied than at Ladoga, and resembles what has been found at Volósovo. Needles were made of bird-bone, chiefly of the swan. Carving in bone was practised with a skill and talent superior to that of the Ladogans, and the figures were either in full relief at the end of a long bone or silhouettes incised out of a flat plaque. Among the former are the head and neck of swans and geese, which remind one of Volósovan work, and the heads of a bear and an elk carved at the end of a bone, as at the Ladogan station. Among the latter are two silhouettes of birds, one of which has two holes of attachment. Some of the bone arrow-heads are of a very peculiar make. The upper part consists of a sharp-pointed cone, to which is attached a stalk of lesser diameter than the base, and somewhat flattened. In the other type the pointed cone projects from a four-sided base rather larger than the base of the cone, and this quadrangular base gradually reduces in size till it passes into a short flat stalk. The only analogies for such arrowheads, so far as I know, are found in the sub-district of the Upper Isset in the district of Ekaterinburg. One quite like the first is in the University Museum of Kazán, but

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came from the Upper Isset. In the Museum at Ekaterinburg there is another like it, but with a long stalk; others are more like the second type, but the upper cone rises from a reversed cone, which passes into a long thin stalk of circular section, which gradually becomes flattened. Wooden arrow-heads shaped like a double cone are still used by Ostiak children. 1 Several pieces of amber, one of them bored with a hole, were lying in the shell-mound; the usual ornament, however, seems to have been the perforated teeth of animals strung on a string. Grewingk considered the station at Rinnekaln to be younger than that at Kunda, as no reindeer-bones were found at the former, the presumption being that the animal was extinct in Livland when the shell-mound was formed. 2 During one period of the neolithic period the reindeer seem to have ranged as far south as the district of Preusisch Eylau, or about lat. 54.30° N.

Considering the great area of the Baltic Provinces, the neolithic age is not very strongly represented. The chisels so common in Finland are rare; gouges, knives, spear- and arrow-heads are almost wanting. The infrequence of spear-and arrow-heads is doubtless owing to the rarity of flint, and the few well-formed lance-heads and daggers of such material were probably imported. Nearly all the axes are perforated for a shaft, and number about five hundred, of which about twenty are boat-shaped. The latter may have been imported from the south-west of Finland or from Sweden. Virchow believes the majority of the polished stone implements in the Baltic provinces belong to the Iron Period, for they are sometimes found in the same

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grave with bronze and iron as late as the younger Period of Iron. The distribution of stone tools and weapons over the three provinces is far from uniform. With the exception of the islands of Oesel and Mohn, few finds have been made in Esthonia. They become more numerous in Livland, especially on the banks of the Dvina, but are more plentiful in Kurland, especially in the central and eastern districts. With regard to their type, Mr. J. R. Aspelin considers that the stone implements of the older and newer periods in the Baltic provinces so resemble those from Lithuania, Vitebsk, Kovno, Grodno, and Minsk, that they can scarcely be distinguished. 1

Though the evidence is scanty, there seems reason to believe that in the earlier part of the neolithic age the Baltic Provinces were uninhabited, at least permanently. No one had thought it worth while to peg out tribal claims to any part of them; they formed a sort of No Man's Land into which short-headed men from the east or long-headed men from the south could make temporary hunting or fishing excursions, but they did not come to stay.


The results, then, of a survey of the archæology of Northern and North Central Russia from the Gulf of Finland to the foot of the Ural chain may be summed up as follows. Along the lower course of the Oká dwelt a people whose pottery, sculpture, and methods of art connect them with tribes inhabiting what is now the government of Olónets, the west coast of the White Sea, part of Finland, the course

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of the Volkhov, the north coast of Esthonia, and Lake Burtneek in Livland. But though the civilisation of this huge region is practically the same, it covers a great space in time. It is difficult for us, who live in an age of new discoveries of the most extraordinary kind, and of great social changes, to realise that bodies of men can live century after century, millennium after millennium, without any sensible change in their mode of life. But it is so. Uncultivated human nature is so constituted that having once accommodated itself to circumstances, and shaken down into a groove, it is content to rub on as best it can, and to pass on the heritage of life to another generation without further thought. Isolated as the tribes were that inhabited Central Russia, empires might and did rise and fall without their knowledge; nations might and did pass along the great natural highway of the steppe that fringes the Black Sea, but no echo of the event reached the solitudes of Central Russia. It is not surprising, then, that we must believe that a long interval existed between the first settlement of Volósovo and the temporary station at Lake Burtneek, just as a great space of time must be imagined between the former and the stations on the Volga below Kazán. In the south-west of Finland we seem to have a Scandinavian people that could hardly have arrived later than 1500 B.C., a period when bronze was already known in Scandinavia and Central Europe. The Ladogan station may be quite as ancient, while the settlements on the Oká have all the appearance of being considerably older. About 500 B.C. is perhaps not too early to set the animal-headed picks of Olónets and Mezen. As perforated stone implements seem unknown at Rinnekaln this station is older than that date; while the

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station at Kunda is still older than the last, but less ancient than that on the south shore of Lake Ladoga. The stations on the Volga, and certainly some in the Upper valley of the Kama, are very much later than that at Volósovo. The Volgan pottery differs from that found on the Oká and further west; it seems to have more affinity with the ceramic products of the Kama valley, and the people of the Volga may have been somewhat different from those on the Oká and to the west of it. It is not unlikely that the domestic animals came from the steppe to the north and north-east of the Caspian, and with them would naturally come the owners, who might belong to different, though not absolutely alien, tribes. Though the civilisation and arts of the fishers and hunters on the Oká, as well as to the north and to the west of it, were at such a low stage that they were almost the same everywhere, the aborigines were not all of the same stock: some were long-headed, others short-headed. Yet considering the antiquity of man on the globe, an amalgamation of stocks could have taken place ages before any tribes took possession of any part of Eastern Europe. What language or languages, if more than one, these aborigines spoke it is impossible to say, though no doubt it belonged to the agglutinating class, and if there were several they had much in common. That some of the direct descendants of these people, both the long-headed and the short-headed, still exist among the Eastern Finns, I have tried to make highly probable. That both stocks originally issued from Asia seems almost certain, though we cannot prick off on the map the course of their migrations by pointing to a succession of archæological finds.

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The belief that a Scandinavian population existed in the south-west of Finland in neolithic times is strengthened by finding objects of the Bronze Age in that part of the country, though they are few in number. With the exception of two useful ornaments, all of them are weapons, consisting of five swords, seven daggers, one lance-head, two knives, six palstaves, eight socketed celts, two spectacle fibulæ, all of bronze, and one large copper arrow-head. As all are quite Swedish in character, and no moulds have been found, they must have been imported from Sweden. The only apparent exceptions are three swords of Central European type, but as these types are also known in Sweden, the weapons were probably brought to Finland by way of Scandinavia. Nearly all the objects came from the southwest corner of Finland, including the Åland Islands; from near the lower course of the river Kumo; from the lower course of the river Kyro in the district of Vasa; or between Viborg and the west coast of Lake Ladoga. All were found south of lat. 64° N., save the large copper arrow-head, which was picked up as far north as about lat. 69.30° N., only about a couple of dozen miles south of the Varanger Fjord. Nearly a third of these bronzes were found in cairn graves. Using the classification of Mr. O. Montelius, twelve of the weapons belong to his second period (1450–1250 B.C.); one socketed celt to the third period (1250–1050); four socketed celts to the fourth period (1050–850); and the remainder, including the spectacle fibulæ, to the fifth period (850–650). It is evident, then, that there existed an intermittent communication between

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[paragraph continues] Finland and Sweden for several centuries, and it is to be noted that all the weapons of the second period, with one exception, came from the Aland Islands or from the extreme south-west angle of the country, from what is called Proper Finland. But these importations are not the only reasons for believing the south-west of Finland to have been settled by a Scandinavian people. Hundreds of cairn graves are found in a broad belt along the coast of the gulfs of Bothnia and Finland, in the islands of the southern and south-western coast, and in the Aland Islands. In smaller numbers they occur along the shores of lakes in the interior. The correspondence in external form, and partly in the internal structure, of these cairn graves in Finland and Sweden, especially in Uppland, is very striking. The cairns are found singly, in groups, or in a long row; they vary in size and height, the diameter ranging from 20 feet to 81 feet, and the height from 3 feet to 10 feet. In internal structure there are also differences. Many are disposed round a tall upright central stone, quite the same as in Uppland, Sweden, where the arrangement is characteristic of the Bronze Age. Others contain one or more kists of flagstones or of largish angular stones. Cineration was practised as a rule, if not always. At least, no skeletons have been found in any exploration conducted in a scientific manner, though in 1896 some peasants reported that on removing eighteen cairns preparatory to ploughing, two kists were laid bare containing unburnt human skeletons. In opening cairns unburnt bones of domestic and wild animals have often been met with, but unfortunately they have never been sufficiently examined. Not nearly all the cairns, however, are to be attributed to the Bronze Age, for a number of finds prove

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that such sepulchres were still used in the older Iron Age. 1

As in neolithic times we found stone implements of certainly two distinct peoples, occupying on the whole different areas of Finland, so in the Bronze Age we find a few implements of a totally different type from anything in Scandinavia. They consist of two socketed celts with a socket of quadrangular or hexagonal section of Uralian or Siberian type, and at least four moulds, whole or fragmentary, for casting celts of similar type. Beginning from the north, one mould, resembling the type of celts from Anánino, was found almost on the Polar Circle, in the parish of Upper Torneå; half of another about half-way down the Uleå; and fragments of at least two moulds for celts, together with fragments of three other moulds, stone implements, flint flakes, sherds of pottery, and traces of fireplaces, were discovered near Lake Uleå. One celt comes from Lucksele on the Umeå in Swedish Lapmark (Asp. No. 158), and another from the parish of Laukas in the government of Wasa, in the very centre of the country. But this last and most southerly example is much less characteristically Uralian or Siberian than any of the others. 2


Though in Russia, as in Finland, there was no Bronze Age, strictly speaking, yet a few objects of this period have been discovered there, of which it is right to take notice.

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There were found on the banks of the Pinega, not far from the White Sea, two socketed bronze battle-axes, ornamented with the head of a dragon at the hammer end, and at the end of the socket the head of a bird, probably an eagle, with its head turned in an opposite direction from that of the dragon (Asp. No. 240, 241). Though extremely alike, these weapons are not exactly the same. Another, hardly differing from No. 241, now in the collection of Count Uvárov, came from Elábuga, 1 where a fine socketed bronze pick, one end terminating in a boar's head (Asp. No. 242), was also found. In form none of these weapons, so far as I know, are quite like any that have been found in Siberia. But a head not unlike the dragon's is to be seen on a carved piece of wood from a grave of the early Iron Age in the Altai, 2 also on the handle of a knife from Baikalova on the Yenisei, and the ears are similarly treated on a double head forming the loop of a pendant, also from the district of Minussinsk. 3

Not far from the village of Fatiánovo, about twenty-four miles north of Yaroslav, on the Volga, an ancient settlement and cemetery were uncovered, where all the implements were of stone, though the presence of a green stain of oxide of copper, a piece of bronze wire, a round copper disk, and three pieces of glass, show that it did not belong to the genuine neolithic age. The skeletons lay on their backs on a layer of ashes; at the head and feet were urns, generally placed mouth downwards. On investigation it turned out that the copper disk, which was thinner in the

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middle and thicker at the rim, and about the size of a thick halfpenny, contained a core of iron, and that the copper was alloyed with 1.90 per cent. of lead. The copper wire seemed to have been hammered out without preparatory fusion, and then curled into a loop and passed through a bear's tooth (Asp. No. 132). Grinding and polishing stone had reached a high degree of development. Most of the perforated hammer-axes have a cutting edge that curves under in such a way that it terminates much nearer the axis of the hole than the upper angle (Asp. No. 97, 98). In form and decoration the pottery is very different from any that has hitherto been described. The urns have no handles or holes for suspension, and are generally globular, with a short neck of less diameter than across the centre of the greatest swell, and an everted lip. The largest found entire was 5.5 in. high, but some fragments must have belonged to much larger vessels. The decoration is confined to the upper part of the vessel, and consists of horizontal rows of short diagonal strokes, each row at a different angle from the one above and below it; of short vertical strokes in horizontal rows; rows of dog-tooth or of short crossed lines; sometimes the lines are made with a comb-like punch. The skulls were measured by Bogdanov, who remarked that as regards dimensions the Fatiánovan crania are nearer the long-headed Kurgan type than the small heads of the Ladogan station. The vertical diameter could only be measured in three instances, and these show a platycephalous skull. These crania are not essentially different from the long skulls in the Merian graves, though they do not belong to the type he considers Merian. 1

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In consequence of the platycephaly of the Fatiánovan crania I have compared them with three Ostiak crania measured by Dr. Sommier. The second female skull

Click to enlarge

seems to be very like the female Ostiak skull, save that the latter is platyrhine and mesoseme, while the former is mesorhine and megaseme. But as the oscillations of orbital and nasal indices in a given group of crania are generally very considerable, too great stress need not be laid on these differences. The first Ostiak male skull is the only orthocephalous example in the twelve measured by Sommier, their average height being 127 mm. and the vertical index 67.5; the average height of the female skull is 122 mm. and the vertical index is the same as in the male skull. On the whole, then, there seems to be a kinship between the two sets of crania. The pottery is certainly not European. In form, and even in ornament, these small globular pots resemble the small globular pots found by Mr. Heikel in excavating Kurgans on the river Tobol and at the old fort of Čuvaš, close to Tobolsk, just

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below the junction with the Irtịš, 1 though these latter belong to a much later time than the pots from Fatiánovo. The district in which they were found is very near the Ostiak country still, and in former days the Ostiaks probably occupied it. The peculiar form of the cutting edge of the axe-hammers mentioned above was also noticed on an example or two from a prehistoric fort on the Sar in the same government of Yaroslav; another came from the district of Riečitsk (Minsk); 2 from Insarsk (Penza); 3 from Yaransk (Viátka); 3 from Laišebsk (Kazán); 3 and from Bobruisk (Mogilev), 4 though this last differs from the others in the rapid slope backwards of the cutting edge from its upper angle. The backward curve of the cutting edge is also characteristic of the battle-axes of the copper period in Hungary 5 and of the axes from Koban in the Caucasus. 6 The presence of an Ugrian people resembling the modern Ostiaks so far to the west in Russia at so early a date, before the end of the last era, has hardly been suspected hitherto; at least any belief of the sort was based on more or less doubtful etymologies of place-names, but now it seems to me fairly well established both on craniological and archæological grounds.

About eighty miles due east of Fatiánovo, near the town of Galič, in the adjacent government of Kostroma, there were found in a clay pot six objects of pure copper of non-European types. They consist of a human figure (Fig. 11); a human mask surmounted by what looks like a flat disk,

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on which are reclining two animals with their heads turned outwards (Fig. 9); a knife with a handle ending in the head of a reptile, the grip being à jour and ornamented with horizontal and diagonal incisions; a long-backed, smooth, long-headed animal with a short tail, short legs, an open mouth and hollow inside (Asp. No. 299–303); a long, solid bead; a bracelet of round wire pointed at the ends and not closed; and an axe of a type found in several places in Eastern Russia. The human figure is ithyphallic, with arms bent and the hands meeting in front of the body; the knees are also bent and separated, being united at the feet by a cross bar. The head is large, the chin rather pointed and beardless, the mouth somewhat open, the eyes staring to the front, and the general expression is saturnine. The ears are projecting and pointed; on the top of the head lies what looks like a circular disk or a broad fillet, and from the centre of this, and on each side of the head, above the ears, issue projections shaped somewhat like the head of an axe.

A figure very similar to the above was found somewhere in the government of Perm, whether on the west or east side of the Urals is equally unknown (Fig. 12) (Asp. No. 304). The attitude is the same, the hands meeting in front of the body, the legs separated, the knees bent and the feet united by a transverse bar as in the last. The head is also large, with a pointed beardless chin; the mouth is also somewhat open, but the eyes seem to be shown by two lense-shaped holes. The ears are more like projecting knobs. The head is also surmounted by what looks like a flat disk or a fillet, out of which spring three broad ray-like projections, as well as on each side of the head above the eyes, at the point of each shoulder, and from the outside of

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each upper arm about half-way down. It is of ruder and probably later work than the figure from near Galič, but it belongs to the same type, and no doubt was made by people of common origin, probably Ugrian, like those we seem to have found at Fatiánovo. A head-dress, the lower part of which resembles that of the two figures and the human mask, is also found on a semi-human-headed bird-god from a grave in the government of Tomsk (Fig. 10). Very similar representations of birds with a human face, sometimes with a full-length human figure on the breast of the bird, are far from uncommon in the government of Perm, where they are attributed to the Čudes. These bird-idols have been well discussed in great detail by Mr. Teploúkhov.

In the government of Perm no settlement has been found belonging to the period of Bronze; only a few objects have been found, several of which are of copper, and none of them come from places north of the Obva, or about lat. 58° 30´ N. The only remarkable piece is a large, slightly curved bronze knife, the haft of which terminates in figures of three mountain sheep (Fig. 13). It belongs to a Yenisean type, and as it was found at Turbina, nearly opposite the inflow of the Čusovaya, it may have been imported by way of that river. The other objects are mostly of rude work and of local manufacture. 1


Strictly speaking there was no age of Bronze in the Baltic Provinces, for there was no metal in the country from which it could be made. But the nine objects assigned

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to this period are interesting, in so far that they prove the country was visited by foreigners several centuries before the present era, and at various times. All the objects, consisting of a flanged celt, a palstaff, a socketed celt, two lance-heads, a tutulus, a spiral, and two massive arm-rings, were found near the coast, including the islands of Oesel and Mohn, or on the Dvina. Not all of them are of Scandinavian type. The flanged celt, with a cutting edge like a cheese-knife, from Altona on the Dvina (Asp. No. 401), is exactly like one from the Kurische Nehrung, and like another from Schillingen in the district of Tilsit. This, the palstaff of Swedish type from the island of Oesel (Asp. No. 399), the eared and socketed celt from Tuckum in Kurland, and perhaps the tutulus from Thula in Esthonia, belong to the second period of Montelius. The others are later, and perhaps the two massive arm-rings do not belong to the Bronze Period at all. From the rarity of bronze objects in the Baltic Provinces, as well as in East Prussia, though in a less degree, it is evident the stream of material civilisation, that flowed from south to north and fertilised Scandinavia to such a wonderful degree, left the north-east of Europe to all intents and purposes untouched. The little that found its way into the Baltic Provinces seems to have come for the most part from Scandinavia. 1


In Finland, the Baltic Provinces, and Central Russia west of the longitude of Kazan, there are no cemeteries in which we can trace a distinct passage from the use of

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bronze to the use of iron. But eastwards, in that part of the valley of the Kama which forms the southern boundary of the government of Viátka, the case is otherwise. Near the old mouth of the Toima, where it fell into the Kama a little below the town of Elábuga, is the cemetery of Anánino, the approximate date of which is placed by Mr. Aspelin in the fourth century B.C. Here objects both of bronze and iron are found together, and, what is most important, with hardly an exception the types of the iron weapons and instruments are simply continuations of the older bronze forms. As we have seen above, the cemetery seems to overlie or, at any rate, to be in very close juxtaposition with, a still older neolithic settlement. Externally the site presented the appearance of an irregularly-shaped ridge of no great height or size, lying east and west, and without any indication that there were graves below; though the surface seems to have been strewn with flat slabs, on some of which human figures and inscriptions were carved. The first excavations were unfortunately executed in the most haphazard manner by persons ignorant of archæology and of the vast importance of the finds. In 1859 Mr. Alabin commenced operations by unearthing about fifty skeletons, most of them lying in groups of two and three. With four exceptions all had been laid with the head to the south, and only six were inhumed, while the others had undergone incomplete cremation. Traces of the action of fire on some of the objects showed that the deceased had been cremated with his clothes, weapons, and ornaments upon him. By the side of the male skeletons was placed a knife and a bronze socketed celt or a spearhead, on the breast arrow-heads; with women were deposited necklaces, beads, and other ornaments. Some had

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bronze, others iron weapons, and the knife was usually at the left side, while the celt lay near the right hand. In the poorer graves only a knife and some clay vessels were found. In 1881 excavations were resumed, when an untouched sepulchre was opened containing ten skeletons, by the side of which were objects of stone, bronze, iron, and even silver, but no detailed account of the find has as yet been published. 1 The bronze axes and picks, the bronze and iron daggers, the bronze socketed celts and arrow-heads, the bronze and iron snaffles, the bronze scabbard-tips, and the small iron rather sickle-shaped knives, have all a Siberian facies, and all or most of them can be matched by types or examples from the valley of the Yenisei. Bronze buttons, ornamented almost as in Fig. 14, are also found at Koban, at the north end of the pass of Dariel (Fig. 15). The pottery is made of a black, rather compact clay, often with an admixture of comminuted shells. The vessels are bowl-shaped, with a rounded bottom, and the ornament is disposed below the rim. The decoration is given by a row of small holes at intervals; by several rows of short gashes; by a zone of punch-marks alternately vertical and horizontal; by parallel lines of fine prick-marks arranged in zigzags or horizontally. On one small bowl, however, in the University Museum at Kazán, below the cord pattern and a row of small holes that run under the rim, is a row of quadrupeds, perhaps horses, with their heads to the right. The form of the animals is rendered by lines that imitate the cord pattern, and in shape the animals are perfectly geometrical, as if they had been copied from a piece of embroidery. The head is triangular, connected by two

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vertical lines with a parallelogram, which represents the body, and the whole is supported by four vertical lines to represent the legs. The tail is formed by a vertical prolongation of the hindmost leg. A few bone arrowheads and flint implements seem also to have been found in the graves. Two partly polished whitish flint gouges, now in the University Museum at Kazán, are quite like others from the neolithic settlements on the Volga below Kazán, but there appears to be a doubt whether they may not belong to the older neolithic station that underlay the cemetery.

So far as metallic objects are concerned, the finds at Anánino still stand alone in the valley of the Kama, but along that portion of the river that fringes the southern boundary of the government of Viátka, and up the Viátka river as far as the junction of the Pižma, there is a series of prehistoric forts, where the instruments and ornaments are almost entirely of bone, which, in Mr. Spitsịn's opinion, belong to the same civilisation as that of Anánino, and approximately to the sane period. The inhabitants of these forts seem to have been chiefly hunters, though they were partly pastoral, and from the immense accumulation of bones within the forts these are distinguished by the term 'ossiferous' forts. The commonest bones are those of the reindeer, elk, horse, bear, and beaver; less frequent are those of the pig, horned cattle, hare, otter, fox, wolf, martin, sheep, dog, of birds and fish. Though by far the greater number of archæological objects, such as battle-hammers, arrow-heads, knives, knife-handles, spoons, awls, fish-hooks, needles, combs, beads, and playthings, were of bone, yet bronze, copper, and iron were not unknown. Six bronze, earless, socketed celts, one of Anánino type, and most of

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them devoid of ornament were found; also several iron knives and awls of quadrangular section, but only one arrow-head and one lance-head of that metal. Part of a mould for a celt and crucibles of clay show that metallurgy was understood, though little practised from dearth of metal; for there are no indications that the copper mines in the government of Viátka were worked in prehistoric times. Bone arrow-heads were in great abundance; the commonest were of quadrangular or triangular section with a short stem. Fish-hooks were not uncommon, but harpoons were rare, and of different forms. Spoons and combs were also rare, but the latter were always decorated. For ornament they used bear's teeth, small knuckle-bones, perforated bone beads, as well as beads of bronze, glass, and, at one place, of nephrite. The carving in bone is very skilfully executed, and is even artistic. For decorating a knife-handle or other object the favourite animal head was that of the elk, though also of the bear, fox, boar, horse, and even of the dragon. In the forts along the river Viátka objects of stone were few in number, and chiefly confined to flint arrow-heads, but the forts along the Kama were much richer in this respect, and yielded a considerable number of wedge-shaped axes and chisels of the Orišut type. Yet no flint scrapers, knives, or nuclei were found, showing that the genuine neolithic civilisation was a thing of the past. In Mr. Spitsịn's opinion, the stone chisels, the bone battle-hammers, the bone arrow-heads, especially those of triangular section, and the bone awls, are simply reproductions in bone of bronze prototypes, more especially of Anánino type. Be this as it may, it cannot be denied that one of the perforated stone disks or whorls, on which an animal is carved (Fig. 18) bears a wonderful likeness to the bronze

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cheek of a bit from Anánino (Fig. 19) (Asp. No. 474). Yet the pottery from the forts is very unlike what is found at Anánino; the former is large, strong, resonant when struck, and coarse as regards ornament, while the latter is fine, fragile, and often provided with a complicated and ingenious design. The vessels found in the forts have a round bottom, a mouth like a caldron, with a diameter of from 3½ feet to 2 feet, though there were also smaller vessels, the smallest of which had a diameter of only 2½ inches. The ornament on the large vessels was usually made with a six-cogged punch; the cord pattern was rarely used, and was sometimes accompanied by small circles. Mr. Spitsịn gives no illustrations of these designs, but probably the small circles are the same as are sometimes found on the pottery of the so-called Čudish forts in the upper part of the Čeptsa valley, where they have a diameter of from 6 to 7 mm., and seem to be formed by hand with a pointed tool. Small circles of similar dimensions, but formed by small dots, are to be seen on a sherd from Kudimkor, in the district of Solikamsk, Perm. But otherwise no antiquities of 'Čudish' type are found in the ossiferous forts, showing that they belong to an earlier period, 1 that approximately corresponds with the older Iron Age in Finland and the Baltic Provinces, though it may have begun rather earlier.


In the earlier Iron Age of Europe, what is known as the Hallstadt and La Tène periods, extending from about 800 B.C. to about the end of the last era, though fairly well

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represented in Denmark and Scandinavia, scarcely touched East Prussia, and never penetrated into the Baltic Provinces or into Finland. Except in Finland, it was not till after the beginning of the present era that these outlying countries began to be regularly visited by traders, who bartered arms and ornaments for the products of the country, which must have mainly consisted in furs and pelts. By means of this trade these remote regions were ultimately won over to a completely European civilisation. The oldest objects of the Iron Age are three bronze neck-rings from the village of Panelia in the government of Åbo. Similar rings are known in Uppland, Oland, Gotland, and also in Denmark. In Sweden they belong to the beginning of the Age of Iron (500–300 B.C.). 1 Then there is a gap till the beginning of the Christian era.

In J. R. Aspelin's opinion the population whose cairn graves are found in the south-west of Finland must be considered a branch of the contemporary inhabitants of Sweden. 2 The oldest relics of the Iron Age in Finland are so similar to those of the Iron Age in Scandinavia before 700 A.D. that it is impossible to explain the fact otherwise than by a Gothic settlement. For no people can borrow a completely foreign civilisation without modifying the forms in some way or other in conformity with their own peculiar genius. These forms may be improved upon, or they may become deteriorated, but they cannot remain exactly the same. 3 It was formerly believed that from about the seventh to the middle of the ninth century a gap existed in the archæological record, for there were no finds to connect the older with the totally new types of the later Iron Age. This barren interval was explained

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by supposing that a great change had taken place in the population; that the old Scandinavian population had migrated and their place had been taken by the ancestors of the existing Finns, who now entered the country for the first time. But Mr. Hackman, writing in 1897, and well conversant with the unceasing discoveries of new archæological material in Finland, says that a study of the antiquities of the Iron Age shows us a continual local development, and therefore no break that might be referred to a sudden and tumultuous immigration of a foreign people. We can only prove in the later finds a gradual weakening of Scandinavian characteristics. Yet the finds of the latest heathen period still exhibit a Scandinavian influence. The immigration of the Finns can therefore have only taken place slowly in the course of several centuries. The old Scandinavian culture that existed since the Stone and Bronze Ages was therefore not abruptly broken and replaced by a new civilisation. Archæologically speaking, the Finns have far rather appropriated in part the forms of the first and then further developed them during continual contact with Scandinavian neighbours. 1


Here, as in Finland, Roman coins from Augustus to the year 364 A.D. occasionally assist the archæologist in approximately dating some of the finds. No more money is found till the eighth century, when Arabic coins between 725 and 1011 A.D. begin to make their appearance. These are followed by Anglo-Saxon coins from 802 to 1040; by Byzantine coins from 868 to 1014; and by German money

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struck at Utrecht, Cologne, Trêves, Strasburg, etc., dating from 823 to 1180. For the most part the Roman coins were found in places near the coast, as at Reval, at Werder opposite the Isle of Mohn, in the islands of Mohn, Oesel, and Filsund, at Dreimannsdorf north of the Salis, at the mouth of the Dvina, at Hasau, Kapseden, Grobin, and Libau; or along the banks of the larger rivers that served as water-ways into the interior, as at Kabbina on the Lower Embach, near Treyden on the Livlandish Aa, at Riga, at Lennewaden on the Dvina, and at Bornsmünde on the Kurlandish Aa. 1

In Esthonia, the most northerly of the Provinces, the archæological record of the first Iron Period, dating from about 100 to 600 A.D. is still lamentably incomplete, the entire western half of it being practically a blank sheet. But in the north-east corner of the province four interesting finds have been made at Malla, Türpsal, Kuckers, and Türsel; at Facht, a few miles east of Reval; at Ottenküll in the east centre, and at Waetz in the south centre. All these finds, save the one from Malla, came from ancient cemeteries. According to Dr. Hausmann, Director of the Museum at Dorpat, the cemetery at Kuckers belongs to the second century, and perhaps partly to the third; Ottenküll to the second; Türpsal was used from the second to the fifth century; the greater part of the find at Malla belongs to the third and fourth centuries, 2 and Türsel also begins about the third century.

As considerable ethnological importance is attached to the manner in which a people disposes of its dead and constructs its graves, it is necessary to give a brief account of one or two of the burial-places. For it must be premised that only the one at Türpsal has been explored and

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recorded with anything like scientific accuracy. The burial-place found here was in a low natural mound, running east and west, about 40 yards long, 12 yards wide, and close to the high-road from Reval to Narva. On removing the upper layer of soil were disclosed three areas, marked off by large blocks of granite. The easterly compartment was oblong, the central one was of irregular form, but approximated a narrow oblong figure, and was the smaller of the three; the westerly area was also of irregular form, the north side being considerably longer than the south side, so that the long sides, running north and south, were not parallel. The eastern compartment measured 19 feet 6 inches long by 9 feet 9 inches wide, and all three were paved with blocks of stone. Between the three compartments were borders of gravel about 3 feet 3 inches wide, containing no sepulchral remains.

In the western and central compartments the dead were buried at no great depth, almost without any accompanying ornaments, sometimes singly, sometimes piled one on the top of the other. Over them was laid a pavement of large stones. In the eastern and probably later area there were no skeletons, but between the stones of the pavement ornaments and numerous bones and teeth of young and old were scattered in confusion. Most of these had not been cremated, though a few burnt bones were found among them. In the case of two skeletons in the western and central compartments it was possible to observe that they had been laid with the head to the south and the feet to the north, and that one of them, a robust man of about thirty years of age, only measured 4 feet 10½ inches in height. The skulls, unfortunately, were all crushed. 1

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The cemetery of Türsel, about sixteen miles west of Narva, and less than a mile from the coast, lies by the side of the highway from Narva to Reval. It consisted of an oval stone heap, lying east and west, about 50 feet long by 20 feet wide and 3 feet high, overgrown with turf. The area over which the mound was raised seems first to have been paved with stones, for between them were found cremated human remains, as well as the ornaments and other objects they had used when alive. The outline of the cemetery appears to have been marked by a row of stones, and two rows of stones running north and south divided it into compartments. 1 From an archæological point of view the finds from the two contiguous cemeteries of Türpsal and Kuckers are closely related, though also distinguished by well-marked differences; so too those of Türsel and Malla. The most interesting fact connected with Kuckers and Türpsal is the geographical distribution of some of the fibulæ found there. Most of them are absent from contemporary grave-finds in Livland and Kurland, are hardly known in Sweden, but were common in the Roman provinces north of the Alps in the first century, are plentiful in the island of Bornholm, and not infrequent in West Prussia. Again, one fibula from Türpsal is not known elsewhere in the Baltic Provinces, nor apparently in East Prussia, but analogies are to be found for it at Darzau in Hannover. So too object No. 6 in Table VIII., 2 a bangle of thick bronze wire, thicker in the middle, terminating in round knobs, ranging as far south as Auzeem in Livland, only recurs at Rondsen, near Graudentz in West Prussia, in a grave of the second century. And a semicircular knife or razor from Türpsal,

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though the only one known in the Baltic Provinces, is common in Prussian graves. 1 This has suggested the idea that some of the objects found near the north coast of Esthonia were imported by a sea route from the south-west part of the Baltic as early as the second century. That this is not impossible will be touched upon in a subsequent chapter. But some of the articles may have come by land from the south. In Table VIII. it will be seen that object No. 1, a hook fibula of the earliest type known in the Baltic Provinces, is found at several intermediate stations in Livland, as well as at Santen in Kurland. In the Museums at Königsberg and Dantzig I have noticed several of the same type, with the same ornamentation on the arch, only differing in having the upper end of the fibula undecorated and more splayed at the top—the foot, according to the quaint but erroneous terminology of the late Dr. Tischler,—from Kainsvikus (Insterburg), Holländerie (Wehlau), from three places in Samland, and from Kleschkau near Dantzig. They are also found elsewhere in East Prussia.

None of the graves in the province show any signs of transition from a stone to an iron age. Of course it is possible that future exploration may introduce us to graves in which stone weapons are also present, but so far as the evidence as yet goes the change seems to have been made by totally discarding the old order and plunging headlong into the new civilisation with all the fervour of new converts. The presence of the tooth of a sheep and a pig at Türpsal shows that these domestic animals were bred in the country, no doubt before the introduction of iron; and the fibula, apart from a shred or two of cloth from Malla,

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are enough to prove that the natives wore woollen clothes, and that the women could spin, weave, and sew. Pottery was little used; only a very few sherds, one piece ornamented with very shallow irregular lines, were picked up at Türsel, but not elsewhere. The chief objects deposited with the dead were ornaments: fibulæ of diverse forms, finger-rings in abundance, neck- and arm-rings of different patterns and sizes for children and adults, but pendants and glass beads were few in number. The traders that brought them had probably parted with most of their stock before getting so far north. Arms and tools of iron were rare. At Kuckers there were only knives of simple form, but at Türpsal, Türsel, and Ottenküll, besides these, were one or two lance-heads and celts, a semicircular knife or razor, an awl and a needle of iron, but no axes. Perhaps the stone axe was still in use, though none was deposited with the dead. About the fifth century arms were more abundant; at Haakhof, nearly half way between Türsel and Kunda, a hoard of that period was discovered, buried about a foot below the surface. It consisted of forty-eight socketed lance-heads, twenty-two sickle-shaped knives, with short, bent tangs, nine celts, two axes, and a fragment of a double-edged sword. So, even as late as the fifth century, the iron axe seems to have been far from common.

From Dr. Hausmann's Catalogue of the Archæological Congress, held at Riga in 1896, I have compiled Table VIII. to give an idea of the distribution over the three provinces of various types of fibulæ, neck- and finger-rings, arm-rings or bangles, large pins, etc., ranging in date from about the second to the fifth or sixth century. From this it appears that out of twenty-one objects from finds in Esthonia, five are confined to that province, sixteen pass the modern

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frontier, though two of these do not go far beyond it; only two reach the south of Livland, and only two cross over into Kurland. In Livland, out of thirty-nine objects, seventeen are confined to the province, sixteen are likewise common to Esthonia, and only eight also occur in Kurland. But in Table VIII. both the objects No. 18, 20, one of which stops at Vellakravand and the other at Dahlen, after skipping Kurland, reappear at Oberhof in East Prussia, in the district of Memel. And the pendant No. 26, which stops short at Ayakar, crops up with very slight change at Heydenkrug in East Prussia, but north of the Niemen. Lastly, in Kurland, out of twelve objects, four are peculiar to the province, seven also belong to Livland, and only two to Esthonia. Hence we find from the very beginning of the new Iron Age civilisation certain provincial differences in the ornamental objects used in the three provinces, and that the connection between Esthonia and Livland was closer than between Livland and Kurland. As there are no iron ores in the Baltic Provinces, and none nearer than in the government of Vilna, all the earlier objects of iron or bronze, now alloyed with zinc and lead, must have been imported from abroad. After a time the natives learnt to work in metal on their own account, but before they began to do so objects of the second century that are special to one province—such as Table VIII. Nos. 8, 9, 10, 11,—can only be accounted for on the supposition either that they came from quite different trade centres, or from the same centre on different occasions separated by a few years.

In Livland the sepulchral arrangements are not quite the same as in Esthonia. Lying mainly in the north and centre of the province, there are cemeteries from 80 feet to

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[paragraph continues] 325 feet long, running east and west, surrounded by a low wall of dry stones, and divided into a good many compartments by parallel rows of stones, running north and south, that were successively added as occasion required. 1 The cremated remains, and the objects damaged by fire that accompanied them, seem sometimes to have been paved over with stones, over which was heaped a low cairn from 4 feet to 5 feet high. Grewingk termed these 'ship-graves,' under the mistaken impression that the external form of these burial-places had the form of a hull, and that the shorter transverse rows were intended to represent rowing benches. More accurate measurements and more exact plans have now shown that he was mistaken, and archæologists have therefore abandoned the term. They are now termed stone row-graves with cremation, and stone settings with cremation. No cinerary urns are found in these cemeteries, though there are sometimes sherds of pottery. An exception to this mode of burial is known at Auzeem (Gr. Roop), where a kist grave was opened containing merely an amber button.

In Kurland there are again differences, In the northwest corner of the province, not far from the coast of the Gulf of Riga, at Musching, Widser, and Nogallen (parish of Erwahlen) there are cairns about 60 feet long, 18 feet broad, and from 1 to 4 feet high, running north-west and south-east, and known to the natives as Vella laiva, or Devil's Ships. When some of them were explored by Professor Grewingk they were found to contain small kists about 10 inches square, in each of which stood a cinerary urn containing ashes and fragments of charred human bones. The only object found with them lay in an urn at Widser, and was supposed

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to be a metallic blade about a finger in length. But it is now lost, and doubts are thrown upon its existence at all. 1 At New Selburg mention is also made of a kist grave, covered with a large stone, in which stood eighteen cinerary urns containing burnt bones, while at Santen (Kandau district) the uncremated skeleton lay on the level of the ground in the direction from west to east under a mound from 5 feet to 6 feet high, and each body had a grave to itself. 2 But on the whole our knowledge of sepulchral arrangements in Kurland is very uncertain and incomplete. It is certain that graves were sometimes surrounded or covered over with stones, and though cremation is proved at some places, such as Kapseden and Schlagunen, yet on the whole inhumation under mounds, such as are found at Herbergen, Renneberg, Selburg, and Sonnaxt, seems to have prevailed in the province. 3 So too further south, in the district of Memel, in the great cemeteries of Oberhof and Schernen, inhumation was practised in the first five centuries of the Christian era. But here the cemeteries present a network of stone circles and compartments, sometimes touching each other, and with the enclosed areas unpaved, wherein they differ from the cemeteries in Samland, in which the areas are paved with stones. All these places of burial are flat fields without any mound to mark the presence of a grave.

It has already been noticed that very little pottery was used in Esthonia. The same remark applies not only to Livland and Kurland, the urns at Kapseden and Musching being a rare exception, but also to the cemetery of Oberhof on the north side of the Niemen. It is quite otherwise in the rest of East Prussia south of that river;

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there large, well-made urns of many diverse shapes are of constant occurrence in the graves of the first four or five centuries of the present era.

From about 600 to 800 A.D. there is almost a gap in the archæological record of the Baltic Provinces, just as in East Prussia, though in each of the three provinces there are common places of burial in which objects of the earlier and later period are found. For instance, the cemetery of Türsel in Esthonia was used for many centuries. Subsequent excavations to those already mentioned showed that cremation, which prevailed in the older period, was gradually replaced by inhumation, and coincident with this there was a change, of course, in the character of the objects deposited with the dead. Mr. Viskovatov, who conducted the excavation, came to the conclusion that Türsel was used as late as the thirteenth, perhaps down to the fifteenth century, 1 though we have seen that it originated in the third century. It is possible, however, that the place was not used quite uninterruptedly for ten or more centuries as a place of burial, for the area over which it extends is of small size. The stone row-grave with cremation at Waetz has also furnished objects belonging to both periods. 2

In North Livland, in the part inhabited by Finns in the twelfth century, there are likewise cemeteries with a mixed inventory of old and new. The northern part of the great cairn grave at Pajus showed two or three distinct stone rows, and within them were objects dating from about the third to the fifth century. The larger remaining sepulchral area was surrounded by a very strong dry wall of large stones, and within it no transverse rows could be traced. This enclosed space was afterwards heaped over with stones.

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[paragraph continues] Though a few articles of the older period were found here, the great majority of them belonged to the later period. At Allats-Kivi there is a large stone-row cemetery with cremation, the long axis of which lies east and west, while most of the transverse rows run north and south. Between these lay many bones, most of them showing marks of fire. But here there were few objects of the older time; all the other numerous ornaments, etc., belonged to the newer period. This cemetery is of great interest, as it is the latest known of its class. Close beside this cemetery lay another, belonging entirely to the later period (700–1200 A.D.), in which one or more bodies were laid uncremated in a shallow grave over which a mound was raised. One male skeleton lay with the head to the north and the feet to the south, another was orientated from west to east. 1 Two skulls from this cemetery have already been spoken of at p. 47, and shown to be far removed from the Finnish type. Although Dr. Hausmann attributes this cemetery positively to the Ests, it seems to me somewhat doubtful, not only on account of the skulls, but also of the mode of burial, which resembles that found on undoubted Lettish territory, such as at Ludsen in the government of Vitebsk and in Kurland.

Transition finds which seem to point to uninterrupted occupation in Lettish Livland have been found at Kaipen and Kajenhof, both in the district of Sissegal, at Ronneburg Strante, Odensee, and Odsen, as well as at Jasmuiša and Ludsen in the government of Vitebsk, which formed part of Livland till 1660. In Kurland, too, they are known in several places, such as Preekuln, Autz, Ilen, Fockenhof, Schlagunen, Alt Raden, Zeemalden, and Selburg. At all

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these places, so far as is known, the mode of burial was inhumation, which helps to connect them with the older graves, where a similar method of interment was practised. 1

It is unnecessary to pursue the subject further, for during the later period there were certainly Finns in the Baltic Provinces. The problem to be solved is, When did they arrive? and does the archæology of this region for the first five centuries of the present era lead us to suppose they made their first appearance during that interval of time or subsequently? Grewingk attributed to Goths and Scandinavians the Vella laiva at Musching and the thirty or more 'ship-graves' in Esthonia and Livland. But as the 'ship-grave' theory was founded on inexact plans and preconceived ideas, apart from the fact that the Scandinavian 'ship-graves' belong to much later time, his arguments fall to the ground. Mr. O. Montelius and J. R. Aspelin believe the Baltic Provinces to have been solely inhabited by a Gothic or Teutonic people till about the year 400 A.D., because on the whole the types of the archæological objects found in these Provinces are also known on Teutonic soil. Professor Hausmann considers this theory unproved, and Dr. Kharuzin is inclined to believe some of the graves in Esthonia belonged to an Esthonian (Finnish) people. It is clear, however, that, in a non-metalliferous country, when a new civilisation that includes the use of metals is introduced, the natives for a long time must depend on strangers for every metallic object they possess, for it would not be in the interest of strange traders to teach the natives the art of metallurgy. As from a study of archæological objects alone we cannot solve the question, we must next take

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into consideration the modes of burial that prevailed in various parts of the Provinces. Comparing the description given above of the cairn graves in Finland, that lasted through the Bronze into the Iron Age, and were constructed by a Scandinavian people, with the description of the compartment graves at Türpsal and Türsel in Esthonia, we find little in common, and many important differences. But the structure of the graves in North Livland does not seem to differ much from those in Esthonia, and the method prevalent in Livland can be traced as far south as Ronneburg to the east and Auzeem to the west. A line drawn between these two places is only about twenty miles south of the boundary between the Esthonians and the Letts about the year 1250. An inspection, too, of Table VIII. shows there was considerably more intercourse between Esthonia and Livland north of this line than between the northern and southern halves of the latter province. Unfortunately little or nothing seems to be known of the mode of sepulchre south of this line till we reach Kurland, though the single kist grave at Auzeem points to a very different type from that which exists in the northern half of Livland. Though contemporary, the mound graves with inhumation in Kurland are evidently of a very different character from the compartment graves in Esthonia and the northern half of Livland. We seem then to be in the presence of two distinct peoples, that divided the Baltic Provinces nearly equally between them. And what is more, they seem tranquilly to have remained there from the beginning of the Christian era till the present time. For the passage from the older to the younger Iron Age brought with it no change of sepulchral construction at Allats-Kivi, while at Türsel,

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[paragraph continues] Waets, and Pajus the old places of interment were used in the younger period. In Kurland, too, there are transition finds that seem to attest that no alteration had taken place in the native population. With regard to this province, and perhaps the south of Livland, it seems highly probable that the population was of Letto-Lithuanian stock, as is now the case. With regard to the northern half of the Provinces, the population was probably Finnish—at any rate in part. Though this view is entirely opposed to that held by Finnish historians and archæologists of the highest repute, it does not seem to me impossible, when we remember that, if Dr. Virchow is correct, there were Finns at Rinnekaln, though only temporarily, in the neolithic age, at a time to which we have found reason to assign a date earlier than 500 B.C. The main objection to this theory is that nothing attributable to the earlier Iron Age has been found east of the Narva, though Finns were probably living near the head of the Gulf of Finland all the time. But it may be there was an uninhabited tract for a considerable distance east of the Narva, which prevented trade articles from being distributed in that direction. And at any rate, in the future, finds of this period may be brought to light. That a Finnish people were not the earliest settlers in this region was shown in the last chapter, and also that from their practice of carrying off the women and children there must have been in every clan a certain percentage of Finnish-speaking lads and grown-up girls that had no Finnish blood in their veins at all. A practice of this kind carried on for generations, till the whole non-Finnish people had been absorbed, would work immense changes on the craniology of the invaders. The Finns that first entered the province

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probably filtered in silently and imperceptibly in small parties round both ends of Lake Peipus, the country being so spacious and thinly populated that they could live in many parts of it without even attracting the attention of the original inhabitants. But in course of time, when their numbers increased, they began to attack the earlier settlers, and eventually supplanted them altogether. If, as I believe probable, the population of the northern half of the Baltic Provinces was partly, perhaps predominantly, Finnish in the second century A.D., the first appearance of the Finns must be placed earlier. Corroboration of this view will be found in a subsequent chapter.


So far as our present knowledge extends, traces of the early Iron Age in that part of Russia proper where we have found remains of a neolithic, and bronze or copper period, are very scanty. Isolated specimens may have been discovered here and there, but no cemetery, no great hoard of objects. At Mokšansk and Saransk, in the government of Penza, Roman coins of the first two centuries have been dug up at various times, showing that the inhabitants, who may possibly have been Mordvins, were not quite out of touch with the outer world. With Roman money no doubt other products of civilisation found their way into the country. But on the whole the huge region stretching diagonally from the head of the Gulf of Finland to the great bend of the Volga seems to have been destitute of iron, or nearly so, till introduced by a trade that may have arisen about the seventh or eighth century, which flourished vigorously in the ninth and tenth centuries, and was

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directed along the Volga from Bolgari westwards to the head of the Gulf of Finland. Before this time the Finnish population that lived between these two geographical points were probably in a transition state, such as we have found on the river Viátka and on a portion of the Kama. We may suppose that mainly they still employed instruments of stone and bone, though they were glad to acquire at rare intervals articles of copper and iron from more advanced Eastern neighbours, for they had not yet learned to extract iron directly from the ore. The find at Diákovo, near Moscow, already referred to, belongs perhaps to this period. That iron was known earlier on the Kama than elsewhere in Northern and Central Russia we have already seen. So it is not surprising that on the same river, though a good deal higher up, and on the opposite bank, is the only station of the earlier Iron Age as yet known in the centre and east of Russia in Europe. It is situated close to the hamlet of Gliadénova, some fifteen miles west of Perm. Within the ditch and rampart of a prehistoric or Čudish fort constructed on a projecting tongue of high ground with precipitous slopes on all sides but one, the northern slope being formed by the ancient bank of the Kama, now some two miles to the north, is an open space, covering about 270 square metres, thickly covered with ashes and burnt animal bones.

During the excavations conducted by Mr. Novokreščennịkh in 1896 and 1897 about 23,000 objects were brought to light. They were found at no great depth, amid fragments of bone and the ashes of burnt wood. The site seems to have been a place of sacrifice, and the objects discovered may have been votive offerings; they were of gold, bronze, iron, flint, bone, and included innumerable glass

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beads. The most interesting discovery consisted in two Indo-Bactrian coins. One is of Kadphises I., whose reign is placed in the last half of the century preceding the Christian era, the other is of later date, but they allow the finds to be placed in the second or third century A.D. The gold objects were only three in number, the last found being a small ear-ring. The bronze ear-rings were generally of thin wire. In one of them the pendant is of wire coiled into a slightly truncated cone (Fig. 16). Most of the bronze objects are of the rudest possible art, consisting of human and animal figures, or representations of birds, snakes, and bees cut out of sheet bronze. Those in cast bronze are greatly superior. Sometimes the figure of two human figures, or of an animal, is given in low relief on a round flat disk of bronze provided with a ring of suspension. The best of the cast objects is the head of a beardless man (Fig. 17) with a singular head-dress and two—one is broken off—depending bands, ornamented with horizontal grooves at intervals. Were it not for the horizontal direction of the grooves one might be tempted to take them for two plaits of hair, such as are given in a ruder form in Fig. 20. Formerly the Ostiaks and Voguls wore their hair in two tails, men as well as women. There are also several good castings, such as Fig. 22, representing the head and shoulders of a bear in high relief, enclosed in a frame with a cord pattern running round the outer edge. These figures are of various dimensions, and some have a ring of suspension. One of these, in which none of the metal is cut through, resembles, as indeed they all do in general type, a bear's head and shoulders, figured by Aspelin, No. 569, also from Perm. The conventional mode of showing the muscles of the forearm and

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hind-quarters of a bear (Fig. 24) is also found in two later and still more conventionalised Permian examples figured by Aspelin, No. 551, 552, both from the Pečóra. The best of the representations of birds, generally with a human face on its breast, are also cast. The horned owl (Fig. 23) with a human face on its breast, the single bird (Fig. 26), and the double birds (Fig. 27), all belong to the same general type as the single-headed birds (Asp. No. 529–531) from the district of Perm and from the Pečora, the two-headed bird (Teploúkhov, (1) Fig. 3) from the district of Čerdin (Perm), and Fig. 10 from Tomsk. Fig. 28, though difficult to make out, when complete may have represented a triple-headed bird, though the head on the right is more like that of an animal—with a human face between its two legs, and two clawed feet. Mr. Teploúkhov also figures a three-headed bird with a human face between its legs, and taloned feet, which was found in the district of Čerdin. Fig. 25 is the upper part of a water-bird in full relief, and resembles a form that is not unusual in the Čudish antiquities of a much later time. Other bird-forms cut out of sheet bronze might stand for the prototypes from which highly debased forms such as Aspelin No. 588–590 originally sprang. There are several representations of men on horseback (Fig. 30), but all of very rude workmanship; the bar that unites the feet of the horse is noteworthy, as it recalls the bar that unites the feet of the human statuettes from Galič and the government of Perm (Figs. 11 and 12). Sometimes the rider is shown sitting sideways, as in Fig. 31, though here the animal is not a horse, and the rider has a boss on his chest in the form of a coiled snake. One of the large circular disks with a ring of suspension represents a human figure

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with his hair in two thick plaits, like two ropes, on each side of his head, holding in his arms a large fish and standing on a quadruped of very uncertain species. In one instance two detached human figures, cast in full relief, are enclosed in a frame slightly arched at the top. The human figures cut out of sheet bronze are very rude, e.g. Fig. 21; sometimes they are in pairs of a man and woman; sometimes singly, when the phallus is occasionally a salient feature. In the same material are silhouettes of bears, horses, elks without horns, nondescript animals, snakes coiled and in other positions, birds and bees or large flies. Other objects of bronze are arrow-heads; flat buttons of various sizes with loop underneath; double buttons coupled by a short bar, each boss of the button being surrounded by a cord pattern in relief (Fig. 29); round metal disks about an inch in diameter with a hole in the centre, and occasionally ornamented with a few incised lines (Fig. 33) or a rude human figure. One ornament is a circular disk with seven small rings distributed round its circumference (Fig. 32). Flat bronze ribbons rolled into spiral cylinders an inch or more long were also destined for ornament.

The iron objects were arrow-heads, some with three flanges, and very small iron knives with a straightish back, a blade that curved slightly inwards, and a short tang. Similar knives are found at Čmi, near Vladikavkas, and they closely resemble a type very common at a later period in the government of Perm, as well as at Bolgari and Biliársk. The large and small glass beads, containing a film of gold leaf, are quite like those from the Čudish finds of a later period in the government of Perm, and have also been met with at Kombulta and Digori on the

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north side of the Caucasus. The bone arrow-heads are of types found in other parts of the government.

Comminuted shells were generally, if not always, mixed with the clay of which vessels were made. The pieces found entire are of small size, with a round bottom, no handle, and generally have but little decoration, which is disposed horizontally below the rim. In one or two instances the rim forms a wavy line, as is also the case in an example from the neolithic station of Great Bugór near Kazán. The ornament consists of a row of short diagonal or curved incisions in pairs; or of small oval depressions to the right and left of an imaginary line, like small leaves issuing from a stalk, as on a sherd from the neolithic station of Novo Mordovo near the site of Old Bolgari; or of a couple of rows of small triangular depressions at intervals; or of rows of shallow, nearly parallel lines; or of a couple of rows of bold zigzags made with a pointed instrument, etc. In the opinion of Mr. Novokréščennịkh, the site he excavated was a Čudish place of sacrifice, and the Čudes were probably Voguls. A statement made by Dr. B. Munkácsi with regard to the modern Voguls seems to throw light on the numerous small and rude representations of animal forms, cut out of thin bronze leaf, it may be on the spur of the moment. He says that when the will of the gods is once known through a Shaman it must be executed at once. 'The offering I demand in the evening do not postpone till morning; the offering I demand in the morning do not postpone till evening,' is the exhortation of the gods in the invocation songs of the Shamans. If the rapid fulfilment is impossible, a figure of the animal to be sacrificed (horse, reindeer) is cut out of a piece of birch bark and

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placed near the idol as an I.O.U., and destroyed when the vow is fulfilled. 1 Why these promises to pay, if such they were, were not destroyed at Gliadénova, can be explained by supposing that the vows were often made before going on a dangerous journey or raid, and that many of those that had made vows lost their lives and were thus unable to fulfil their promise.

Most of the metallic objects enumerated or described above are of local manufacture, but now it becomes necessary to notice briefly a series of silver vessels and coins, all of which were imported from a great distance during the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries, and are found solely in the government of Perm. The silver vessels, some sixty in number, consisting of large dishes, bowls, ewers, chargers, etc., are for the most part specimens of Persian art during the Sassanide dynasty. A very few are of late Greek or of Græco-Roman work, somewhat earlier than the Persian. The former can be dated in some measure by the Sassanide coins struck in the reigns of seven kings from Yezdegerd I. (397–417) to Chosroes II. (590–628), the last of the dynasty. Though it is unknown in what spot most of the vessels were found, in some instances the places are ascertained, and it is well to enumerate them, as it is an important point of history to determine, if possible, the routes by which they were brought within reach of the natives of the province. Beginning from the south, silver coins have been found near Šestakova in the district of Krasnoufímsk; silver vessels near Kliúčị in the above district; silver vessels and coins near Vereino in the sub-district of Čusovsk on the Čusovaya; coins near Kovina, sub-district of Ust

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[paragraph continues] Gáreva in the district of Perm; coins from the sub-district of Sludsk in the district of Perm; coins from the sub-district of Filatovsk in the district of Perm; a silver dish from the sub-district of Roždestvensk in the district of Solikamsk; silver vessels from the sub-district of Kuvinsk in the above district; coins from the sub-district of Kočebsk in the district of Čerdịn; coins near Glazov in the government of Viátka, a district that was formerly occupied by Čudes. The commerce that brought these precious commodities from Persia to Perm was interrupted for a time by the fall of the Sassanide dynasty, but was afterwards resumed by the victorious Arabs, and lasted for four centuries longer. This last fact is only mentioned because if the Arab trade-route can be ascertained the older Persian route was probably the same. Mr. Teploukhov, from whom I have taken the information with regard to the finds of Sassanide treasures in the province of Perm, considers it probable that in the ninth and tenth centuries the merchandise of the Arabs was chiefly transported by water across the Caspian and up the Volga, but that in the eighth century, when this route was partly in the hands of the Khozars, they most likely used a road that actually existed to the east of the Caspian. Starting from the Amu Daria it skirted the Sea of Aral, passed through Ust Urt, the Kirgiz steppe, and then through the country of the Baškirs to Bolgari. By this caravan route arrived Ibn Fozlan with a mission to the king of the Bolgars in 922; and Abu Ahmed Andalusi, speaking of mammoth tusks, says they were brought from Bolgari to Khwaresm (Khiva), whither caravans constantly arrived from the above town. Mr. J. R. Aspelin, who was the first to call attention to the route by which such a number of objects

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of Persian art found their way to Perm, believes that the prehistoric trade-route from Persia to the Upper Kama led, not by the Volga, but along the Irtịš, that is to say through South-western Siberia. But Mr. Teploúkhov opines it is more probable the Persian wares came by the same caravan route, leading from the south of the Sea of Aral to the north-west, which was afterwards used by the Arabs. Starting somewhere near the Sea of Aral, it led through Ust Urt and the Kirgiz steppe, then went west to the Urals through the land of the Baškirs, keeping along the northern course of the Biélaya and up the valley of its tributary the Ufá. The find of Sassanide vessels at Kliučị, in the district of Krasnoufímsk, where other Čudish antiquities are not found, evidently points to the latter direction. 1 From the last-named locality it was not far to the Silva, which falls into the Čusovaya at no great distance from the confluence of the latter with the Kama.


55:1 Montelius, (2) p. 197.

56:1 Nyman, pp. 303–337.

56:2 Uvárov, vol. ii. Pl. 25, No. 369.

56:3 Ibid., vol. ii. Pl. 34, No. 4736.

57:1 Heikel, (1) p. 131, Fig. 16; Hackman, pp. 368, 369.

60:1 Inostrantsev, pp. 105, 106.

60:2 Ibid. pp. 221–223; pp. 128, 237.

63:1 Tischler, p. 116.

66:1 Peredolsky, pp. 139–144.

68:1 Poliakov, (1) pp. 340, 364, 367, 368; (2) pp, 32, 35, 35, 19, 10.

69:1 Uvárov, pp. 299, 300, 309.

69:2 Maliev, (1) Appendix, skull No. 1.

70:1 Uvárov, vol. ii, Pl. 16, No. 4053–4.

71:1 Uvárov, vol. ii. Pl. 14 A, described vol. i. p. 324.

72:1 Uvárov, vol. ii. PI. 14 C D.

73:1 Kudriavtsev, pp. 234–255; Uvárov, pp. 314, 322.

73:2 Uvárov, pp. 329, 318.

74:1 Teploúkhov, (1) p. 24.

74:2 Teploúkhov, (1) p. 15.

74:3 Stukenberg i Visotski, pp. 10, 13, 15, 18, 28, 37.

75:1 Stukenberg i Visotski, pp. 53, 54, 56, 6s, 72.

77:1 Spitsịn, pp. 11–23.

80:1 Teploúkhov, (1) pp. 5–26.

81:1 Grewingk, (1) pp. 1–36.

83:1 Martin, (2) p. 10, Fig. 5–13.

83:2 Grewingk, (1) pp. 36, 37: Virchow, (1) pp. 398–433; Kharuzin, pp. 100–103.

84:1 Aspelin, (3) p. 6; Grewingk, (4) pp. 92–96.

89:1 Hackman, pp. 355–359, 361–364, 400.

89:2 Ibid. pp. 367, 368, 394–399.

90:1 Uvárov, Katalog, Fig. 90, opp. p. 80.

90:2 Radloff, vol. ii. Tafel 9, No. 1.

90:3 Martin, Pl. 15, No. 20; Pl. 30, No. 11.

91:1 Uvárov, pp. 399–411, 416–419.

92:1 Sommier, (1) pp. 90–93.

93:1 Cf. Uvárow, Pl. 28, figs. 322, 315, 316, with Heikel, Pl. xxvii, No. 11, 12; Pl. v. No. 6, 10.

93:2 Uvárov, Pl. 40, No. 5078.

93:3 In the University Museum at Kazán.

93:4 Historical Museum, Moscow, Zala 2, Škaf 9, No. 340.

93:5 Fr. von Pulszky, Die Kupferzeit in Ungarn, pp. 404–406.

93:6 E. Chantre, Recherches antropol. dans le Caucase, vol. ii. Pl. i. ii. iii.

95:1 Tepoúkhov, (1) pp. 26–29.

96:1 Hausmann, (2) pp. xii, xiii.

98:1 Spitsịn, pp. 26–30.

101:1 Spitsịn, pp. 41–47.

102:1 Hackman, pp. 402–404.

102:2 Aspelin, (1) p. 355.

102:3 Aspelin, (3) p. 140.

103:1 Hackman, pp. 366, 367.

104:1 Grewingk, (4) map; Kharuzin, p. 94.

104:2 Hausmann, (1) pp. 48, 53.

105:1 Hausmann, (1) pp. 3–7.

106:1 Grewingk, (2) pp. 9, 10.

106:2 Opp. p. 110.

107:1 Hausmann, (1) pp. 25–29, 35, 39.

110:1 Hausmann, (2) p. xix.

111:1 Grewingk, (4) pp. 2–27.

111:2 Kharuzin, pp. 154, 159.

111:3 Hausmann, (2) p. xix.

112:1 Kharuzin, pp. 149, 175.

112:2 Hausmann, (2) p. lxiii.

113:1 Hausmann, (2) pp. lxi, lxii.

114:1 Hausmann, (2) pp. xlvii, xlviii, xxv.

123:1 Munkácsi, (1) p. 68.

125:1 Teploukhov, (2) pp. 5–25, 39–42.

Next: Chapter III. Historical Notices of Classical Authors